From the Publisher:
The United States remains the guarantor of Western security interestsoutside Europe, and European governments are quite comfortablewith this arrangement. However, Europe's dependence on theUnited States for dealing with threats to common interests beyondits borders cannot be sustained indefinitely. Indeed, the Senate debateover NATO enlargement offers ample evidence that pressuresare mounting on Europe to play a more prominent role in defendingcommon Western security interests.There are political and military imperatives for Europe to shouldergreater security responsibilities outside its borders. When the UnitedStates must use military force far from its shores to defend commonWestern security interests, the political imperatives for doing so in acoalition with its allies will in most cases outweigh any considerationsof military expediency. Under certain circumstances, more-over,a substantial allied military contribution would improveprospects for military success. Without such a contribution, a dangerexists that U.S. political and public support for NATO, including furtherenlargement, will erode in lockstep with U.S. engagement inEurope.The challenge that the United States confronts is therefore twofold:first, to ensure that allied governments are prepared to carry outmissions that go beyond peacekeeping operations in and aroundEurope; and second, to ensure that allied military contributions areeffective in dealing with the external threats that the Alliance is mostlikely to face in the future. This is especially the case in the PersianGulf-a region in which Europe remains totally dependent on U.S.military muscle to protect oil supplies and in which the United Statesand its European allies face a growing capabilities gap.This study offers one of the first comprehensive assessments sincethe April 1999 NATO Summit of European countries' attitudes towardmissions that go beyond peacekeeping operations in Europe.Drawing on other RAND research, it explores the conditions underwhich the United States would need a substantial contribution fromits allies; evaluates allied power projection capabilities; and identifieskey means by which the United States and its NATO allies could enhancethose capabilities while improving the ability of Europeanforces to operate effectively in military operations outside their borders.Although the study offers a sobering assessment of the political,military, and budgetary challenges NATO's European countriesface, it also sets forth a strategy that is well within their reach for securinga greater allied military contribution in the Persian Gulf. Itsconclusions and recommendations, moreover, are relevant to theongoing debate over the future role of the Alliance.This study is part of a larger project on the implications of thechanging strategic environment in and around Europe for the UnitedStates and NATO. The project was sponsored by the Commander-in-Chief,U.S. Air Forces in Europe, and by the Deputy Chief of Staff forOperations, Headquarters, United States Air Force. It was conductedin the Strategy and Doctrine Program of RAND's Project AIR FORCE.This study should be useful to government officials and outside specialistsconcerned with U.S. national security and defense planning,particularly with respect to military operations in the Persian Gulf,and the future of NATO and U.S.-European relations.Project AIR FORCEProject AIR FORCE (PAF), a division of RAND, is the United States AirForce's federally funded research and development center (FFRDC)for studies and analyses. It provides the Air Force with independentanalyses of policy alternatives affecting the development, employment,combat readiness, and support of current and future air andspace forces. Research is performed in four programs: AerospaceForce Development; Manpower, Personnel, and Training; ResourceManagement; and Strategy and Doctrine.
About the Author:
F. STEPHEN LARRABEE (Ph.D., Political Science, Columbia University) is a Senior Staff Member at RAND, Washington, D.C.
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