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Is Abu-Jamal right? Is there not only something “odd” but perhaps also something hollow, inconsistent, wrong in Christians supporting the imprisoning and executing apparatus of lockdown America while claiming to be followers of a “fettered, spat-upon, naked God”?
Not only was Jesus, the “Lord” and “founder” of what came to be called Christianity, executed (after arrest, flogging, torture, and a forced march), but Christians’ first prophet, John the Baptist, was also imprisoned and executed. Its first missionaries, Paul and Peter, were imprisoned and executed, the first beheaded, the second crucified. Early followers of Jesus were pitched against empire, often fell out of safe positions in the system, or were disloyal to it. They suffered Rome’s punitive regime, living at the edge of prison, in and out of jails, risking torture and execution. Isn’t it odd, indeed, that Christians today are so accepting of the punitive regime that is lockdown America.
Many objectors would say, in response to Abu-Jamal that it is not odd at all. First, Rome was an unjust imperial power that early Christians had to resist, whereas the U.S. system today is not an unjust entity; hence, detentions and executions in America are more justifiable. Second, the objectors might say, the early Christian community should not be likened to the criminal element we see in our prisons and death rows today. Christians should help and approve the locking up and executing of the criminal element today, who are so different from early Christians.
I will show in this book that these objectors are wrong on both their points. First of all, lockdown America today is significantly like the punitive regime of imperial Rome in the early Christian context. There are, to be sure, significant differences, and no easy equations of the two regimes can be made. Some of the most recent and best analyses of empire, however, confirm that the official powers at work in the United States today (often transnational ones working with national and local politicians) are similar to the unjust processes that the first-century Roman empire used against Christians.
As to the second point made by Abu-Jamal’s critics, or at least those of them who view early followers of Jesus as nice, noncriminalized people, we need to remember that members of early Jesus movements were much closer to the alleged and actual criminal element than most people think. They were not pure and holy, in the sense of being separate from those whom Rome and Roman society deemed the criminal element. In fact, what Protestant theologian Karl Barth termed “the first Christian community” consisted of the executed Jesus in his relation to common criminals (the thieves alongside of whom he was crucified) and in relation to those convicted of sedition and rebellion.
It is the solidarity of the executed Jesus with the other imprisoned and other executed ones that makes up the “first certain Christian community.” The first community was this criminal element, all three, Jesus and the criminals, hanging together—“exposed to the same public abuse, to the same interminable pain, to the same slow and irrevocable death throes.” Even though Barth emphasizes the importance of this criminal identity taken on in the process of Jesus’ crucifixion, he fails to take with theological seriousness the politically seditious character of that identity. What later became Christian community and church was birthed, as this book will argue, from a communal identity that could be labeled both criminal and seditious. The Pauls and Peters, the disciples whom many presume to be Jesus’ first community, were not present at the time of execution. These can only “get in line behind the two criminals who were already first, and up there in front, with Jesus on Golgotha! .”
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